A Submission to the Mallesons Partnership Patriots: Vote “No” to the King & Wood Merger

our submission to Mallesons
If today’s AFR Hearsay is correct, Mallesons partners will on Wednesday 23 November 2011 line up to vote on the merger with Chinese firm King & Wood. For what its worth, and for the partriot (not the racist) that lives within the writer sitting at the terminal this morning, we wanted to put pen to paper to express our understanding of how we got to this point and why we think the direction ahead is wrong. Very wrong. It’s mostly opinion, don’t rely on anything that is written and always remember we’re not journalists. We’re appealing to the Mallesons partners who might be persuaded by the national interest in voting on the looming merger. This is our submission.

The Year The Economic Plate Shifted

Historical annuls will underline a handful of entries under the page marked “Year 2003″. The world watched on (and some gasped) as the US and its allies invaded Iraq (George “Dubya” Bush famously exclaimed “mission accomplished” some 3 months later). A different group of observers, gazing into the cosmos, watched the horrific disintegration of the Space Shuttle Columbia during its re-entry to Earth. There was international panic at the outbreak of SARS, which was tempered, in some ways, by the epochal completion of the Human Genome Project. It was a big year, even by the lofty standards of historians.

But perhaps the most momentous world event of 2003, certainly for Australia, was the election of Hu Jintao as President of the People’s Republic of China. It was a seminal moment in the course of China’s recent history. Hu’s rise represented the transition from traditional “Communist” leadership to a “technocracy” – a more pragmatic (but still Communist) form of government where technical experts are in control of discrete decision-making within their filed of expertise. President Hu is credited as the driving force behind the Chinese Scientific Development Perspective.

Scientific Development Perspective

Deng Xiaping, the President China from 1978 – 1992, implemented a variety of economic changes that brought China from the Marxism of Mao into the global economy and his economic advances toward a form of capitalism were entrenched by Jiang Zemin and the Three Represents. But it was not until Hu Jintao’s 2003 speech to the National People’s Congress calling for the building of “a harmoious society” that China came out of the economic wilderness and into the global economic consciousness, embarking on a sustained period of growth now colloquially referred to as The Rise of China. President Hu focussed on rural development and the economic welfare of farmers (in 2005 all forms of taxation on farming were abolished) with a much more egalitarian focus on sectors of the Chinese population which have been left behind by the economic reforms of his predecessors. Importantly, for resource-rich Australia, this signalled the development of infrastructure; a process which continues to this day.

Building Materials Required

You cant develop infrastructure without raw materials and the lengths China will go to in order to secure its supply of those raw materials is, we think, a major cause for concern. In September, we stumbled upon a report from a Canadian newspaper which revealed that in his most desperate hour, Moammar Gadhafi was approached by Chinese armaments companies directly linked to the Chinese government for arms contracts worth $200million. Such contracts violated UN Security Council Resolution 1970 which instituted a moratorium on arms trading (China is a signatory to it). Although China later denied any involvement in the secret arms deal by insisting it did not authorise it, a travel report made plain the fact that Gadhafi’s security officials met with at least three Chinese Arms manufacturers: China North Industries Corp. (Norinco), the China National Precision Machinery Import & Export Corp. (CPMIC), and China XinXing Import & Export Corp. Minutes of the meeting revealed that the companies informed the Gadhafi regime of the extent of the weapons stockpile and promised to provide additional weapons if required.

It certainly sounds like a commercially astute hedge by China:

“if support Gadhafi and he wins the (then unfolding) conflict then we’ll gain bargaining leverage in future oil export contracts; if he loses, we run a small risk of being exposed for involvement in prohibited arms dealings, which we can in any event deny.”

It is true that China has in recent years been notorious for showing support to oppressive African regimes with offers of aid and finance where mineral resources are concerned. China has blithely entered into business with African countries that Europe and America refuse to engage with, owing to UN sanctions. Those very sanctions, it now appears, were the portal through which China pushed to quench its rapacious appetite for African mineral resources. Sudan is but one example.

There, rather than attempt to peacefully end conflict, China is alleged by members of the US Congress and Amnesty International to have exported weapons to Sudan (again in contravention of UN resolutions) which prolonged conflict. Certainly, China had cause to involve itself in the Darfur conflict; in 2010, China imported half of Sudan’s oil output (approximately 250,000 barrels per day, or 5% of China’s oil imports).

But in another African country, Angola, illicit agreements made under a dictatorship fuelled an engagement with an African economy which now sees a Chinese semi-occupation where the locals are the proletariat and the Chinese are the landed aristocracy.

The Angolan Experience

Recent experience in Libya & Sudan shows what China is prepared to do in the name of securing its mineral supply. But the unfolding despair in Angola helps bring the pitfalls of reliance in Sino inbound investment into sharp focus. Angola, Africa’s second largest oil producer, was a war-torn wasteland for decades, subject to a variety of UN sanctions that expired in 2002. Yet, during Angola’s term of isolation from the international community, China provided Angola with massive financial backing in exchange for the country’s oil supply. Now that military tensions have eased in the country, a deeper malaise has set-in – a form of pseudo-Chinse occupation of Angola.

You see, the bargain that Angola signed up to in an attempt to revitalise the infrastructure decimated by decades of conflict came with one major condition: all infrastructure projects would be financed by Chinese capital, on loan and repayable by oil, and performed by Chinese nationals. Elias Issac, of the Open Society Initiative, told SBS recently

“the Chinese involvement is not generally creating employment for Angolans because the Chinese are bringing cheap labour from their own country”

Meanwhile, construction projects in the capital Luanda have attracted the ire of subsistence-living locals. Said one, attending a job-search center:

“I’m disabled and here I am with no wages, nothing. I fought to free our country and now I’m suffering. Now I think ‘why did I fight?’. I don’t know. For me to build that [since razed] home, so my children would have a place to sleep, I made huge sacrifices. I went to bed hungry. Then along comes the government which I helped and destroys my house. Imagine how I feel?

Another said:

“The Chinese came here with their money, their equipment, it’s all theirs. They brought labourers and skilled tradesmen, electricians, plumbers, bricklayers. There was no room for angolans who could do this work. No jobs for us.”

Mallesons & China

Which gets us to a fateful day in late 2007 when Stephen Minns, a high-flying Mallesons M&A partner, sat shrugged in his level 47 booth secretly wishing the firm’s Melbourne office wasn’t open-planned. Deathly silence gripped the ten floors of Mallesons that day when Mr Minns (and the dozen or so people sitting nearby) learned that his client BHP was intending to retain Blake Dawson for a looming hostile takeover attempt of Rio Tinto. Mr Minns had previously advised BHP on its demerger of Bluescope and was bitterly disappointed to learn that he and his team were losing work that it was later reported occupied the services of some 30 lawyers for a period of over six months.

But luck is an incredible thing and as luck would have it, when the BHP/Rio Tinto mega-merger fell over in November 2008 because of collapsing commodity prices, Mallesons was unconflicted and able to act when State-owned Chinese Company Chinalco picked up the phone and enquired as to whether it could lend a hand. Chinalco wanted help with a $24billion takeover of Rio Tinto and Mallesons was a very willing representative. Although the deal ultimately fell over, it sparked an influx of inbound Chinese work to Mallesons that would foster deeper ties between our northern neighbour and Australia’s most prestigious firm, in the process creating links between Mallesons and King & Wood that would eventually lead to the merger vote to be held next Wednesday.

Export of Capital & The Excellent Bargain

There is no doubt that inbound Chinese investment is a lucrative revenue stream. Ernst & Young partner Graeme Browning told the AFR (17/10/11):

“I’m surprised by how fast China has moved to be such an active exporter of capital”.

Mallesons CEP Robert Milliner to us in an exclusive interview a couple of weeks ago that:

“China’s share of world GDP was 4% in 1990 – and is predicted to be 24% in 2030. The appetite for China to participate in M&A activity for example is expected to grow from $1 to $2 trillion in the next ten years.”

Yet despite its foreign investment alacrity, China has so far suffered an embarrassing strike-rate: between 2007 and 2009, China is reported to have initiated $60 billion in domestic transactions, but completed a piddling $9 billion. Former UBS economist John Larum commented to the AFR (17/10/11):

“While there is a substantial policy push [by the Chinese government] to go global … there is a question about the capacity of Chinese investors to transact and to manage subsequent acquisitions. These limitations are now better recognised and should mean a greater willingness to engage service providers to assist with the transaction process.”

Cue Mallesons and the KW link-up. By formally linking with Mallesons and gaining unfettered access to the firm’s renowned (and, in our opinion, Australia’s finest) FIRB advisory team, we’re sure that King & Wood and its portfolio of (related?) State-backed Chinese companies will significantly increase that strike-rate. And if deals are getting over the line, then, well, we’re sure we’ll see KW Mallesons’ M&A team again increase its size, increase its leverage ratio, and we all know the rest … bigger bucks for the partners already reported to have earned $2million last financial year. Tick Boom!

The Patriotic Case Against

But it’s all too good to be true, isn’t it? Well, we think so. We’re sure our (potentially naive) views will inspire mixed responses from our readership, but we’ll state them anyway. We hold grave fears about what a KW Mallesons alliance will mean for Australia, for its natural resources and for the national interest.

We already know that when mineral resources are at stake, the Chinese government is variously prepared to disregard international UN sanctions to which it is a signatory, to deal personally with murderous dictators, and to form what some commentators have said amounts to a semi-occupation of a foreign country, but what will it do when it technically becomes part of Australia’s best law firm?  Yes, by merging with King & Wood – a law firm in a communist country - isn’t Mallesons technically becoming part of that Chinese government itself?

We don’t have a clear answer to this question and we sincerely hope that Mallesons partners deliberating over Wednesday’s vote have a clear idea about how close the link-up will bring them to the Chinese government. Will incorporating in Hong Kong under the mooted Swiss verein structure ensure that Mallesons remains at arms-length?

If not, and let’s assume the worst, what would this mean for Mallesons’ FIRB advisory experts who are better versed in the Foreign Acquisitions & Takeovers Act than Foreign Investment Review Board is itself?

We know that Mallesons is variously prepared to outsource legal work, to underpay juniors, to overwork juniors and to stop at virtually no length to increase profitablity. So if that profitability can be further increased by engaging in conduct that a Mallesons partner might previously have disabused a Chinese-backed entity from engaging in, for now that partner is technically allied to the Chinese entity itself, could we see a dire situation where Mallesons partners are beholden in the first instance to China, in the second to their pay-packet, and in the distant third to what is morally right and in the national Australian interest?

Will we eventually see a day in Australia where Chinese are the landed aristocracy? We’ll let you be the judge and, as always, invite your views in the comments below.

In closing, we’ll turn to the comments of Mitt Romney, the current frontrunner to win candidacy for the Republican Party for the 2012 presidential race in an interesting peice in The Washington Post (14/10/2011):

“Understandably, some ask whether we should abandon the economic principles behind our historic prosperity. Should government redistribute wealth? Is free enterprise a flawed system? Should we abandon free trade? No, no and no. Redistribution is what once impoverished China and the Soviet Union. Free enterprise is the only permanent cure for poverty. Free trade has the demonstrated ability to make the people of both trading nations more prosperous… Having embraced free enterprise to some degree, the Chinese government and Chinese companies have quickly divined the benefits of ignoring the rules followed by others. China seeks advantage through systematic exploitation of other economies. It misappropriates intellectual property by coercing “technology transfers” as a condition of market access; enables theft of intellectual property, including patents, designs and know-how; hacks into foreign commercial and government computers; favors and subsidizes domestic producers over foreign competitors; andmanipulates its currency to artificially reduce the price of its goods and services abroad. The result is that China sells high-quality products to the United States at low prices. But too often the source of that high quality is American innovations stolen by Chinese companies. And the source of those low prices is too often subsidies from the Chinese government or manipulation of the Chinese currency.”

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